Dating pangolin ng babylonian numerals
They're small, scaly, and look like little dragons. Aside from inspiring two Pokemon characters, few people outside Asia and Africa have even. Tanny vacuolar expropriating, his piroshki knew the dating pangolin ng babylonian numerals drift reprehensively. The atheist case mishandles their howls and. The once-obscure pangolin has become the most trafficked mammal in the world. Now, the CITES CoP17 has banned the trade of all eight existing species.
Pangolin SOS: A mini-dragon in need | Global Ideas | DW |
This paper shows that the nonlinear interaction of scarcity, alterity and value can take two very different forms.
Whilst in many settings, including among TCM consumers, this interaction drives exploitation, and even the formation of an 'overexploitation vortex' Courchamp et al. In this latter setting, scarcity, alterity and value may interact in a way that motivates hunters to preserve members of a declining species.
Methodology Extending across an area of 83, sq. Situated at the crossroads between two continental plates, with an annual average rainfall of more than 2, mm and a wide altitudinal range of m to 7, m encompassing five major climatic zones - tropical, subtropical, sub temperate, temperate and alpine - Arunachal Pradesh harbours an outstanding diversity of animal and plant life: Forming an intrinsic part of the Indo-Burma 'biodiversity hotspot' Myersthe Eastern Himalayas are now recognised as 'among the most diverse terrestrial ecosystems on Earth, ranking second only to Sumatra in Indonesia and greater than Borneo, Brazil and Papua New Guinea' Thompson Many high-altitude areas of Arunachal Pradesh still remain unexplored zoologically Mishra Due to its low human population density - just 13 per sq.
Conservation organisations like WWF recognise 'people and wildlife form a rich mosaic of life across this rugged and remarkable landscape' Thompson However, as the number of newly discovered species rises with every passing year, so do pressures upon wildlife in this fragile mountain ecosystem.
Pressures include the rapid growth of human populations, increasing demand for commodities by global and regional markets, huge infrastructural projects including hydropower projects, and illegal poaching and trafficking of wildlife. To date, ten wildlife sanctuaries, one orchid sanctuary and two national parks have been established in Arunachal Pradesh, largely across low and mid-elevations of the state.
My study focuses on the Nyishi tribe, members of which depend heavily upon shifting cultivation known across Northeast India as jhum and forest resources for their subsistence-based livelihoods. These areas extend across tropical, subtropical and subtemperate regions from the Inner Line in the south, marking the state border with Assam, up to the contested international border with Tibet-China in the north.
The Nyishi rural communities depend upon subsistence cultivation of rice and millet, meat and other animal products from domestically reared pigs and chicken and semi-domesticated jungle oxen Bos frontalisprocurement of bamboo and other forests plants, cultivation of sago, and hunting and trapping of forest animals for their survival. Map showing Arunachal Pradesh, fieldwork sites in Kurung Kumey district, and road connecting administrative centre Koloriang to the state capital Itanagar.
Kurung Kumey is surrounded to the west, south and east by other Nyishi-inhabited districts and is one of the most remote districts in Arunachal Pradesh. Covering an area of 6, sq. During the period of the author's first fieldwork inmost villages lacked basic amenities such as electricity, communications, health services and schools.
The data was gathered during 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork, the first detailed ethnographic study of the Nyishi tribe and the first long-term fieldwork conducted in the state since the Indo-China Border War. Data collection was based on an evolving 'book of questions' generated by the author during preliminary archival research, which included consultation of extant ethnographic studies of the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh and recorded interviews with ecologists and anthropologists at universities and research institutes in Delhi, Shillong, Guwahati and Itanagar.
The central research objective was to explore human-forest interactions through jhum cultivation, hunting and animal husbandry. To fulfil this objective, I travelled widely by foot across Kurung Kumey district, focussing enquiries in the administrative circles of Koloriang, Sarli and Parsi-Parlo.
During extended stays in upland villages, usually accompanied by one of two Nyishi research assistants, Bengia Chongpi and Bengia Amit, I documented a wide range of personal, village, clan and pan-tribal oral histories, ritual and oracular practices, kinship structures, and livelihood dependence on forest resources.
A folk taxonomy of animals was generated and used to elicit data on wildlife populations, culturally and symbolically significant animals, and perceptions of human and nonhuman ownership of animals. Based on 'narrow and deep' ethnographic enquiry, I conducted fieldwork in the uplands on the village anonymously referred to here as 'Talum village', supplementing data gathered here with data gathered in closely situated villages several kilometres from the district headquarters of Koloriang.
In Talum village, I consulted three generations of locally recognised hunters. Extended interviews in the village and during hunting trips yielded information on hunting and fishing techniques and associated rituals, wildlife abundance and seasonal movement of animals between forest elevations, use of animal body parts, and culturally enforced restrictions and taboos surrounding their procurement.
Ethnographic materials gathered during participant observation were used to progressively reframe earlier research questions and move reflexively towards an understanding of Nyishi forest-based livelihoods and identities. Data gathered in the uplands were cross-checked with Nyishi uplanders in the villages and in Koloriang, as well as with upland Nyishi who had recently resettled in the lower belt.
The data was later validated during phonetic transcription and translation in the lower belt with two Nyishi research assistants, Mr. Bengia Amit and Mr. Bengia Chongpi a graduate environmental scientistand through sustained consultation with an esteemed Nyishi shaman-priest nyubuMr.
I adhered to the code of ethics produced by the International Society of Ethnobiology ISE for fieldwork and followed a basic protocol laid down by Nyishi respondents and political representatives. This included abiding by local norms of behaviour and preliminary discussion with respondents about the objectives of the research. All phases of research in villages were carried out in accordance with the wishes of the traditional village council and the village leaders, Gaon Burah.
In the spirit of the ISE code of ethics, the ethnography offered in this paper aims to 'protect and to enhance the relationships of Indigenous peoples, traditional societies and local communities with their environment and thereby promote the maintenance of cultural and biological diversity' ISE Consuming the Pangolin Few people outside the tropics have seen a pangolin in the flesh.
From a human perspective, it appears strange see [Figure 2]. Wholly covered in scales with a long snout and tail, short legs and blackcurrant eyes, it slips between conventional taxonomic categories. To some people it may appear at first to be a reptile, or even a fish the Mandarin term for the Chinese pangolin ling li translates literally as 'hill carp'. In fact, it is a mammal: Depending upon species, these shy nocturnal forest-dwelling creatures live either on the ground, sheltering in burrows, or up in trees, sheltering in hollows.
Ambling around the forest on their knuckles to protect their sharp claws, which they use for burrowing into termite and ant mounds they eat seven to ten million each yearwhen threatened they curl into an impregnable ball.
The name 'pangolin' itself comes from the Malay word pengguling, meaning something that rolls up. Curled up in self-defense the scales covering its body resemble a Fibonacci spiral, a spiral that curves around a surface both clockwise and counterclockwise, a geometry it shares with pinecones, pineapples, the arrangement of leaves on a stem, flowering artichokes and other spiral forms. Among mammals, the pangolin is among our most ancient Eutheric 'kin', and since this 'primitive mammal' arrived on the evolutionary scene some 35 to 55 million years ago, this form of self-defense was enough to protect the pangolin even from powerful predators like leopards, wild dogs and tigers.
In this form, they flourished, all eight species of pangolin, across tropical regions of Asia and Africa. Of eight species, the Chinese pangolin Manis pentadactylathe focus of this paper, still ranges through China, Myanmar, Nepal, Assam and other tropical and subtropical areas of the Eastern Himalayas.
The Chinese pangolin Manis pentadactyla. In the contemporary era, the overexploitation of species is a chief factor driving the rapid decline of biodiversity, directly affecting more than one-third of animals threatened with extinction Gibbons et al. Currently, such trade is driving population collapse among pangolins across South and Southeast Asia.
The trade is enormous, and across much of Southeast Asia, there are no pangolins left. These forest-dwelling creatures are now all but gone from Vietnam's forests, so Africa's population is now being plundered Pantel and Chin Based largely on wildlife trade, and also to a lesser extent on habitat loss across their range, inall eight pangolin species were listed as threatened with extinction on the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species.
Why is the pangolin heading for extinction in the wild? In short, because some people value their scales and meat. Many traditional medicine shops have a supply of pangolin scales, which are believed to cure everything from acne and lactation problems to cancer Sutter Their fresh blood is touted as an aphrodisiac.
As early as the sixteenth century, records in the Compendium of Materia Medica compiled by the Chinese herbalist Li Shizhen considered the greatest scientific naturalist of China documented that pangolins' scales are effective in 'eliminating turgescence, discharging purulence, dredging main and collateral channels, invigorating the circulation of blood and stimulating milk secretion' in Yue In the present day, this attribution of medicinal value has persisted and entered modern TCM, where the scales are still alleged to be an important ingredient for treating a range of ailments, from infertility due to tubal obstruction to mastitis and infantile malnutrition Yue As a result, in China, pangolin scales continue to be prescribed through designated outlets such as hospitals and also through traditional medicine retailers Yue In some southern parts of China, pangolin meat is believed also to nourish the kidney and remove heat and toxic elements Yue Pangolin foetus is also eaten for 'alleged health benefits' Sutter Unfortunately for the pangolin, the perceived medicinal value and high price of its scales have also bolstered its cultural value.
Across East and Southeast Asia, its meat is considered a delicacy. In recent years, China's economy has opened up and expanded rapidly, accompanied by accelerating resource use and 'status culture' McLellan In China and in Vietnam, pangolin meat is consumed conspicuously as a luxury wild meat dish for which affluent consumers are willing to pay very high prices.
Investigative journalist John Sutter lists some of the preferred recipes, from grilled or stir-fried pangolin, to pangolin steamed with ginger and citronella. Giving us a better sense of the quality of this multispecies encounter, Sutter describes how in some restaurants the staff will bring a live pangolin out to the table and slit its throat in front of its customers.
Whilst the majority of TCM medicinals are of vegetable or herbal origin, some are derived from animal body parts. In the latter case, most are derived from domestic animals, but some have their origin in wild animals, such as otters, beavers, porcupines, deer, monkeys, wolves, lions, tigers and leopards Ellis Alterity, or otherness, plays a role in the emergence of medicinal value of the body parts of these non-domesticated animals.
Animals like pangolin, like rhinoceros and seahorses, are 'so strange looking that they [seem] a natural inclusion in the traditional Chinese zoomorphic pharmacopoeia' Ellis As Ellis puts it, 'we tend to think of scales as comprising the integument of fishes, snakes, and lizards, so the pangolin, a mammal with scales, is weird enough to earn a place in the TCM pharmacopoeia' As elsewhere in TCM, as in many other pharmacopoeias, taxonomic peculiarity, a form of alterity, underpins perceived medicinal value.
However, alterity alone does not guarantee medicinal value. In TCM, the alterity and value of the pangolin is channelled through a distinctive theory of illness and healing.
According to TCM, vital functions in the human body are upheld by a continual flow of vital energy or Qi through channels and meridians within the body. A balanced and sufficient flow of Qi helps the blood and body fluids circulate and fight off disease. However, blocked, excessive, deficient or disrupted flow of Qi may result in disease Ellis Medicinal agents, such as pangolin scales and their derivatives, are said to enter one or more channels, infusing parts of the body through which the channels pass, variously supplementing, eliminating, dispelling or extinguishing disruptive patterns arising from blocked Qi Ellis Viewed anthropologically, the medicinal value and related nutritional and cultural value of pangolin body parts, when assimilated by a human body, is based on an ontological 'mode of identification' the anthropologist Phillipe Descola terms analogism.
Upheld by this distinctive ontology, every year thousands of pangolins across Southeast and South Asia are trapped and transported, beaten and killed, dismembered and ultimately consumed, primarily in China and Vietnam. In the s, based on the extremely high volume of largely unregulated trade, the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna CITES adopted a zero quota for Asian pangolins, which effectively banned all international trade.
As a result, since all trade in Asian pangolins has been illegal Ellis The international ban on pangolin trade in the s triggered at different points in pangolin commodity chains a game of 'cat and mouse' involving conservationists, rangers, customs officials, armed security, and the hunters and poachers supplying pangolins, dead or alive, to willing consumers in high demand areas of East and Southeast Asia.
Buttressed by the rapidly increasing monetary value of pangolin body parts, commodity chains linking consumers to poachers and hunters across Asia have proved resilient. Middlemen visit villages on a regular basis, or set up buying stations where people can bring pangolins to sell.U1L1V3 The Babylonian Number System
These middlemen then in turn sell to larger middlemen or to the main dealers, who then ship the pangolins off to the end markets. There are often a few layers of middlemen along the chain. Pangolins are smuggled by air, land and sea, using a number of key routes and methods to move the illicit cargo across international borders. Live pangolins are frequently hidden among other cargo, or mislabelled, often as fish' Shepherd In short, the Chinese pangolin is being conveyed along this lonely corridor towards extinction because some consumers attach medicinal, nutritional and cultural value to their body parts, and because money and markets legal and illegal translate these values into monetary value.
In eastern and northeastern India, the western range from which pangolins are sourced for this illegal trade network see [Figure 3]prices vary. In eastern and northeastern India, adivasi, tribal and other communities who have always hunted them are now directly involved in supplying agents and middlemen.
Map showing pangolin trade in Asia Source: Scarcity and alterity as extinction drivers From the start, economics has been concerned with how people cope with scarcity. In neoclassical economic models this is framed as 'the allocation of limited, or scarce, resources among alternative, competing ends' Daly and Farley The fate of pangolin species across East, Southeast and South Asia, and now Africa, are entangled in a dynamic that runs through the heart that drives many - but as we shall see not all - economic systems: In such systems, the scarcity of goods and commodities interacts with their value; a dynamic encapsulated in the term 'scarcity-value'.
Through the lens of scarcity-value, all other things being equal an item's relative price will increase as its supply decreases. This same dynamic also drives the value of rare and endangered species. However, established economic models predict exploitation of a species alone is unlikely to result in extinction, because, the theory goes, as populations become more sparse, the cost of procuring individuals of that declining species escalate see Lyons and Natusch In other words, 'economic extinction' the end of commercial exploitation will usually precede 'ecological extinction' population disappearance.
However, informed by the human predisposition to place exaggerated value on scarce or rare goods, some economists have started to reconsider this dynamic.
An alternative hypothesis has been proposed, one which recognises the disproportionate value people tend to place on rare species. The proposal goes like this: The AAE is founded on two assumptions based in behavioural economics about how value emerges at both ends of commodity chains.
The first assumption is that for consumers there is a positive correlation between the rarity or scarcity of a species and its monetary value, an assumption supported by recent studies Tournant et al. The critical second assumption is that this interaction of rarity and value is sufficiently powerful, it can drive demand such that the escalating market price continues over time to outpace the escalating cost of finding and harvesting the declining species Lyons and Natusch ; Courchamp et al.
Here, a declining population drives the monetary value and motivation to procure that declining species, resulting in further population declines, which in turn drive monetary value still higher, and so on. In this contemporary era of mass extinction, some animal and plant species that are not currently of concern may become so in the near future. The threat the AAE poses for rare species is sufficiently disturbing that some scientists urge caution when disclosing the rarity of some wildlife species; even discovering that a species is rare may itself become a criterion for immediate threat Tournant et al.
Prices are rising fast. In China, heavy collection pressure, especially in the s, rapidly reduced the population of the Chinese pangolin. In the s, China went from being 'basically self-sufficient in pangolins for medicinal purposes' Yue To satisfy rising demand among an increasingly wealthy population, trade networks extended rhizomically out across range states in Southeast and South Asia. Through data points on a graph, this might appear exponential.
A leaf of alterity through human eyes drops away from the Tree of Life. Profit is the main driver of wildlife crimes Challenderand these same supply and demand driven price changes have already started to suck pangolins from Northeast India into these same cross-continental commodity chains. Scarcity and alterity as conservation drivers in the Eastern Himalayas We find a parallel, but inverse, dynamic interaction of scarcity, alterity and value in hunting in the central uplands of Arunachal Pradesh in the Eastern Himalayas.
Existing alongside the spirit of calculation outlined in the previous section, this alternative dynamic motivates hunters to avoid hunting and trapping pangolin, thereby inhibiting the formation of an overexploitation vortex. Whilst pangolin sightings in this region were reported as common in the s, trade figures suggest this species is now under severe hunting pressure Challender As elsewhere across South and Southeast Asia, prices are so high, that in many areas of Northeast India, local subsistence use of pangolins for meat or scales has completely halted in favour or selling into national and international trade networks Newton et al.
In Arunachal Pradesh, pangolins still dwell in quite large numbers, inhabiting the denser swathes of tropical forest. The Nyishi hunters of Kurung Kumey district report seeing them fairly frequently.
However, here, the ontological mode of identification is quite different. This is evident in even the briefest survey of Nyishi animal taxonomy. The Nyishi divide the world into living things sangbu and non-living things sangmabuboth terms derived from the verb-stem sang- meaning 'grow'.
Living things fall into several categories, including animals achi-aminplants nising-namunghumans nyahspirits uyu and Aaney-Donyi, 'Mother Sun', upon whom all life is conceived to depend. The domain of animals divides into two main classes: Following the forest animals classificatory pathway, we encounter another division, this time into a series of classes based on the location of animals within the landscape, including mountaintop animals dibing-adingtemperate forest animals disep-adingand subtropical and tropical forest animal nyoru-ading.
It is at this classificatory level that we encounter the species-pairs that serve as the classificatory backbone of this folk taxonomy, giving rise to species-pairs like eagle-tiger kyokum-pahteybear-boar setum-sereydeer-monkey sedum-sebihrodent-bird kobung-patahsnake-wasp tabu-tayifish-frog ngoyi-tatukleech-fly tapik-tanyikand so on.
Several different dynamics order this polythetic folk taxonomy: However, the factor that has most bearing on the taxonomic ordering of animal life arises out of a fundamental recognition among Nyishi villagers that some species-pairs, even whole classes, are reared by powerful master-spirits.
At one level, these master-spirits, known as Dojung-Buru, are non-human 'householders' involved in the critical labour of rearing forest animals dwelling at all elevations of the landscape, from mountaintop scrublands high above most villages down to the rivers that usually flow some distance below Aisher Dojung-Buru are conceived to own and protect 'their' animals.
According to a mode of identification Descola would identify as 'animistic', the presence of robust wildlife populations depends upon this ongoing more-than-human labour.
Nyishi villagers frame 'biological diversity' conceived through a 'naturalistic' mode of identification as a product of the master-spirits' labour. Within this cosmological scheme, hunting represents an exchange of wealth between human villagers and these wealthy land spirits.
At one level, Dojung-Buru are the forest and surrounding landscape itself, and referred to as such. For villagers, they are an external source of fertility that complements the human domain Morris Conceived analytically, these master-spirits are an 'emergent real' Kohn that grow out of human interactions with the forest.
Within this cosmological scheme, some animals emerge as particularly 'precious' to master-spirits. From the perspective of the mountain spirit, Dojung, deer are his goats, wild boar are his pigs, and goral are his jungle oxen. Other animals are his servants and children.
Likewise, from the perspective of the river spirit, Buru, otters are his dogs, some river-dwelling birds are his chicken, and some fish species are his pigs. These animals are part of the wealth of master-spirits, and valued by them. Here too, we encounter the pangolin sechikframed locally as the 'child' of Buru. Crucially, Buru 'cares for' his pangolin, not in a sentimental sense, but in the manner a human householder cares for the wellbeing of their household, including their offspring and animal wealth.
Significant to the aims of this paper, this animistic mode of identification gives rise to a very different dynamic interaction between scarcity, alterity and value, offering a counterpoint to the nonlinear dynamics that can form into an overexploitation vortex. Against the 'immanent universal background' Viveiros de Castro of powerful master-spirits, the pangolin emerges existentially as both a being-for-itself and also a being-for-another.
It achieves value within two parallel and deeply interconnected economies: This relational identity of the pangolin reverberates through hunting discourses and practices in the Nyishi uplands.
When pangolins become scarce, hunting them poses greater risks for hunters, their families and their immediate community, thereby decreasing their motivation to hunt and trap them. This does not mean Nyishi hunters never hunt pangolin.
Nyishi hunters can and do still trap and consume them. But this hunting takes place in the context of two, at times conflicting, regimes of value Appadurai In one direction, hunters seek to satisfy their passion to hunt and their and their family's needs.
But they must also make sure the master-spirits who rear pangolin and other forest animals do not become irritated, angry, jealous, resentful or vengeful. Important discursive fields crystallise out of hunter-forest interactions, discursive fields that politicise villagers' consumption of forest products.
In some places, live animals could be brought to the table, where their throats were slit and their blood served - as an aphrodisiac. With the help of conservation programs, it's possible to reintroduce pangolins into the wild Protecting the pangolin Despite this ravenous demand, conservation groups are working hard globally to protect the mammal.
The African Wildlife Foundation is supporting communities living near pangolins to shift to sustainable agriculture and away from hunting threatened wildlife for food. Conservation groups are also campaigning to have all pangolin species added to Appendix 1 of the CITES treaty governing international wildlife trade. Such a move would allow trade of the animals only under "exceptional circumstances" and would acknowledge they are facing extinction. Environmentalists are urging governments attending the World Wildlife Conference in Johannesburg this month to impose maximum restrictions on the trade of endangered pangolins.
In reality, these scales are merely a defense mechanism - when threatened, the animal curls into a ball, wearing the scales like armor. The name pangolin derives from the Malay word "pengguling," which translates as "something that rolls up.
Pangolin - Wikiwand
They rarely survive in captivity - only six zoos in the world successfully keep pangolins. Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert Almost unknown Hardly any other wild cat has been less researched than the black footed cat. They are just about half the size of domestic cats. A full grown tomcat weights about four pounds, or 1. Researchers estimate the population at 10, In South Africa and Botswana they are strictly protected.
Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert An inhospitable home Black-footed cats live in the dry zones of southern Africa, in the savannah and the semideserts of the Karoo and Kalahari. The main population centers are in South Africa, Namibia and Botswana, but they can also be found in Zimbabwe and Angola. Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert Skilled hunters Other animals: During its nightly raids, a black-footed cat will catch a rodent or a bird every 50 minutes.
This northern black korhaan is almost half a meter in size - more than a foot and a half. The wild cats can catch birds in flight, jump 1.
Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert Brave and ready to fight Even though black-footed cats are generally shy, they will fight bravely against attackers - even snakes.
This picture was taken just before the cat attacked. And the cats will even eat non-poisonous snakes. Of course weaker animals fall prey to the cats much more easily. A cape hare is considerably smaller than a European hare, but at 2. Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert A case for Dr. Even when the black-footed cats live near human settlements, it is quite possible that no-one will ever see one.
The animals are extremely shy. Alexander Sliwa from the Black-Footed Cat Working Group tries to detect animals, which he previously fitted with radio collars.
The Cologne-based zoologist has been researching black-footed cats since Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert Welcome to kitty's cave! Currently, twelve animals are fitted with radio collars. Sometimes the zoologists have to get a bit closer to the animals - but that is not easy.
The animals live in burrows abandoned by spring hares, ground squirrels, old world porcupines or aardvarks. Empty termite mounds are also popular among the cats for their perfect natural air conditioning. Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert Protection from other predators Young kittens are relatively safe in their cat-apartments.
A female will have between one and two young after a pregnancy of 63 to 68 days. The mother often changes her housing location to prevent predators like jackals from finding the young ones. Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert Get out the pickaxe When the zoologists want to get a cat out of its underground dwelling, they have to use heavy tools: In the midday heat on a December summer day, this is real hard work.
Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert Gotcha! The cat is caught in the net! Don't let her get away! The researchers have to move fast, if they want to check the animal's condition thoroughly. To avoid stress, the cats get an anesthetic shot right away. Then the general medical checkup can begin.
Dating pangolin ng babylonian numerals
Rare, shy, tiny predators of the desert A predator on the examination table Sincean international working group has dedicated its work to the protection of black-footed cats.
Researchers from the U. They catch the animals, fit radio collars and take samples of blood, urine, feces, saliva, fatty tissue and sperm.